高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  导读:2021湖南高考报名考生共57.49万人,除保送生、高职院校单独招生、师范生等考生外,实际考生近40.02万人,其中普通高考考生37.22万人(历史类考生16.58万人,占44.55%;物理类考生20.64万,占55.45%)。

  一、单科选考分析

  以下为新高考改革第三批实行3+1+2方案的省市2021届学生(刚刚结束高考的本届高三学生)的各科选考数据,从整体来看各省选科占比相对比较均衡,最受欢迎的科目是生物。

 高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  ↑表格来源:自主选拔在线,非官方数据仅供参考

  1、两个首选科目差距不大,偏文科人数较往年有所上涨

  首先从首选的物理、历史两个科目来看,总体来说选考两科的比例很接近。而首选历史或物理一定程度上可以反映考生的偏文理程度,我们通过对比2019年其中六个省份的文科生占比情况(见下表)发现,大部分省份的偏文科比例都有所上涨。

高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  说明:表中2019文科占比数据是基于2019年各省发布的一分一段表文理人数计算而来,艺术类考生暂未计入。

  2、生物成热门,政治受冷落

  为方便大家直观的看出各科目选考比例,我们将这届七省选考数据转换成柱状图:

高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  从上述图表中可以看出,生物的选考比例高居首位,紧接着就是物理和地理两门科目选考人数最多,其次就是历史、化学。而政治科目选考人数最少,这可能与政治这门学科背诵内容多、不容易拿高分的特性有关。

高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  导读:2021湖南高考报名考生共57.49万人,除保送生、高职院校单独招生、师范生等考生外,实际考生近40.02万人,其中普通高考考生37.22万人(历史类考生16.58万人,占44.55%;物理类考生20.64万,占55.45%)。

  一、单科选考分析

  以下为新高考改革第三批实行3+1+2方案的省市2021届学生(刚刚结束高考的本届高三学生)的各科选考数据,从整体来看各省选科占比相对比较均衡,最受欢迎的科目是生物。

 高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  ↑表格来源:自主选拔在线,非官方数据仅供参考

  1、两个首选科目差距不大,偏文科人数较往年有所上涨

  首先从首选的物理、历史两个科目来看,总体来说选考两科的比例很接近。而首选历史或物理一定程度上可以反映考生的偏文理程度,我们通过对比2019年其中六个省份的文科生占比情况(见下表)发现,大部分省份的偏文科比例都有所上涨。

高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  说明:表中2019文科占比数据是基于2019年各省发布的一分一段表文理人数计算而来,艺术类考生暂未计入。

  2、生物成热门,政治受冷落

  为方便大家直观的看出各科目选考比例,我们将这届七省选考数据转换成柱状图:

高中选文还是选理?湖南2021届新高考选科数据出炉!(附选科建议)

  从上述图表中可以看出,生物的选考比例高居首位,紧接着就是物理和地理两门科目选考人数最多,其次就是历史、化学。而政治科目选考人数最少,这可能与政治这门学科背诵内容多、不容易拿高分的特性有关。

2021年6月大学英语四级CET4试卷及答案解析-第一套

2021-06-15 来源: 长沙新东方 作者: 长晓终

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  Part III Reading Comprehension (40 minutes)

  Section A

  Directions: In this section, there is a passage with ten blanks. You are required to select one word for each blank from a list of choices given in a word bank following the passage. Read the passage through carefully before making your choices. Each choice in the bank is identified by a letter. Please mark the corresponding letter for each item on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre. You may not use any of the words in the bank more than once.

  Most animals seek shade when temperatures in the Sahara soar to 120 degrees Fahrenheit. Saharan silver ants seek lunch, skittering from underground lairs into the sun’s brutal rays to scavenge animal carcasses. In 2015 they were joined by scientists from two Belgian universities, who spent a sweltering month tracking the ants and digging out their nests. The goal: to discover how the species adapted to the kind of heat that can melt shoes.

  Back in Belgium, the scientists looked at the ants under an electron microscope and found that their dense, triangular hair reflects light like a prism, giving them a metallic glint and shielding them from the sun’s heat. When Ph.D. student Quentin Willot shaved an ant with a tiny scalpel and put it under a heat lamp, its temperature jumped. He says the ants’ method of staying cool is unique among animals. Could this reflective type of hair protect people? Willot says companies are interested in reproducing it.

  A) adaptingE) extremeI) M) thick

  B) F) huntJ) removedN) tiny

  C) crawlingG) literallyK) speciesO) unique

  D) H)L)

  Section B

  Directions: In this section, you are going to read a passage with ten statements attached to it. Each statement contains information given in one of the paragraphs. Identify the paragraph from which the information is derived. You may choose a paragraph more than once. Each paragraph is marked with a letter. Answer the questions by marking the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2.

  What happens when a language has no words for numbers?

  Numbers do not exist in all cultures. There are numberless hunter-gatherers embedded deep in Amazonia, living along branches of the world’s largest river tree. Instead of using words for precise quantities, these people rely exclusively on terms analogous to “a few” or “some.”

  In contrast, our own lives are governed by numbers. As you read this, you are likely aware of what time it is, how old you are, your checking account balance, your weight and so on. The exact (and exacting) numbers we think with impact everything from our schedules to our self-esteem.

  But, in a historical sense, numerically fixated people like us are the unusual ones. For the bulk of our species’ approximately 200,000-year lifespan, we had no means of precisely representing quantities. What’s more, the 7,000 or so languages that exist today vary dramatically in how they utilize numbers.

  Speakers of anumeric, or numberless, languages offer a window into how the invention of numbers reshaped the human experience. In a new book, I explored the ways in which humans invented numbers, and how numbers subsequently played a critical role in other milestones, from the advent of agriculture to the genesis of writing.

  Cultures without numbers, or with only one or two precise numbers, include the Munduruku and Pirahã in Amazonia. Researchers have also studied some adults in Nicaragua who were never taught number words.

  Without numbers, healthy human adults struggle to precisely differentiate and recall quantities as low as four. In an experiment, a researcher will place nuts into a can one at a time, then remove them one by one. The person watching is asked to signal when all the nuts have been removed. Responses suggest that anumeric people have some trouble keeping track of how many nuts remain in the can, even if there are only four or five in total.

  This and many other experiments have converged upon a simple conclusion: When people do not have number words, they struggle to make quantitative distinctions that probably seem natural to someone like you or me. While only a small portion of the world’s languages are anumeric or nearly anumeric, they demonstrate that number words are not a human universal.

  It is worth stressing that these anumeric people are cognitively normal, well-adapted to the environs they have dominated for centuries. As the child of missionaries, I spent some of my youth living with anumeric indigenous people, the aforementioned Pirahã who live along the sinuous banks of the black Maici River. Like other outsiders, I was continually impressed by their superior understanding of the riverine ecology we shared.

  Yet numberless people struggle with tasks that require precise discrimination between quantities. Perhaps this should be unsurprising. After all, without counting, how can someone tell whether there are, say, seven or eight coconuts in a tree? Such seemingly straightforward distinctions become blurry through numberless eyes.

  This conclusion is echoed by work with anumeric children in industrialized societies.

  Prior to being spoon-fed number words, children can only approximately discriminate quantities beyond three. We must be handed the cognitive tools of numbers before we can consistently and easily recognize higher quantities.

  In fact, acquiring the exact meaning of number words is a painstaking process that takes children years. Initially, kids learn numbers much like they learn letters. They recognize that numbers are organized sequentially, but have little awareness of what each individual number means. With time, they start to understand that a given number represents a quantity greater by one than the preceding number. This "successor principle" is part of the foundation of our numerical cognition, but requires extensive practice to understand.

  None of us, then, is really a “numbers person.” We are not predisposed to handle quantitative distinctions adroitly. In the absence of the cultural traditions that infuse our lives with numbers from infancy, we would all struggle with even basic quantitative distinctions.

  Number words and written numerals transform our quantitative reasoning as they are coaxed into our cognitive experience by our parents, peers and school teachers. The process seems so normal that we sometimes think of it as a natural part of growing up, but it is not. Human brains come equipped with certain quantitative instincts that are refined with age, but these instincts are very limited. For instance, even at birth we are capable of distinguishing between two markedly different quantities — for instance, eight from 16 things.

  But we are not the only species capable of such abstractions. Compared to chimps and other primates, our numerical instincts are not as remarkable as many presume. We even share some basic instinctual quantitative reasoning with distant nonmammalian relatives like birds. Indeed, work with some other species, including parrots, suggests they too can refine their quantitative thought if they are introduced to the cognitive power tools we call numbers.

  So, how did we ever invent "unnatural" numbers in the first place?

  The answer is, literally, at your fingertips. The bulk of the world’s languages use base-10, base-20 or base-5 number systems. That is, these smaller numbers are the basis of larger numbers. English is a base-10 or decimal language, as evidenced by words like 14 (“four” + “10”) and 31 (“three” x “10” + “one”).

  We speak a decimal language because an ancestral tongue, proto-Indo-European, was decimally based. Proto-Indo-European was decimally oriented because, as in so many cultures, our linguistic ancestors’ hands served as the gateway to realizations like “five fingers on this hand is the same as five fingers on that hand.” Such transient thoughts were manifested into words and passed down across generations. This is why the word “five” in many languages is derived from the word for “hand.”

  Most number systems, then, are the by-product of two key factors: the human capacity for language and our propensity for focusing on our hands and fingers. This manual fixation — an indirect by-product of walking upright on two legs — has helped yield numbers in most cultures, but not all.

  Cultures without numbers also offer insight into the cognitive influence of particular numeric traditions. Consider what time it is. Your day is ruled by minutes and seconds, but these entities are not real in any physical sense and are nonexistent to numberless people. Minutes and seconds are the verbal and written vestiges of an uncommon base-60 number system used in Mesopotamia millennia ago. They reside in our minds, numerical artifacts that not all humans inherit conceptually.

  Research on the language of numbers shows, more and more, that one of our species’ key characteristics is tremendous linguistic and cognitive diversity. While there are undoubtedly cognitive commonalities across all human populations, our radically varied cultures foster profoundly different cognitive experiences. If we are to truly understand how much our cognitive lives differ cross-culturally, we must continually sound the depths of our species’ linguistic diversity.

  36. [E] It is worth stressing that these anumeric people are cognitively (在认知方面)normal, well-adapted to the surroundings they have dominated for centuries.

  37. [H] Compared with other mammals, our numerical instincts are not as remarkable as many assume.

  38. [E] It is worth stressing that these anumeric people are cognitively(在认知方面)normal, well-adapted to the surroundings they have dominated for centuries.

  39. [B] But, in a historical sense, number-conscious people like us are the unusual ones.

  40. [K] Research on the language of numbers shows, more and more, that one of our species’ key characteristics is tremendous linguistic(语言的) and cognitive diversity.

  41. [D] This and many other experiments have led to a simple conclusion: When people do not have number words, they struggle to make quantitative distinctions that probably seem natural to someone like you or me.

  42. [G] None of us, then, is really a “numbers person.” We are not born to handle quantitative distinctions skillfully.

  43. [A] Numbers do not exist in all cultures.

  44. [I] So, how did we ever invent “unnatural” numbers in the first place? The answer is, literally, at your fingertips.

  45. [F] This conclusion is echoed by work with anumeric children in industrialized societies.

  Section C

  Directions: There are 2 passages in this section. Each passage is followed by some questions or unfinished statements. For each of them there are four choices marked A), B), C) and D). You should decide on the best choice and mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre.

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    2021年6月大学英语四级CET4试卷及答案解析-第一套
    2021-06-15 来源: 长沙新东方 作者: 长晓终

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      Part III Reading Comprehension (40 minutes)

      Section A

      Directions: In this section, there is a passage with ten blanks. You are required to select one word for each blank from a list of choices given in a word bank following the passage. Read the passage through carefully before making your choices. Each choice in the bank is identified by a letter. Please mark the corresponding letter for each item on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre. You may not use any of the words in the bank more than once.

      Most animals seek shade when temperatures in the Sahara soar to 120 degrees Fahrenheit. Saharan silver ants seek lunch, skittering from underground lairs into the sun’s brutal rays to scavenge animal carcasses. In 2015 they were joined by scientists from two Belgian universities, who spent a sweltering month tracking the ants and digging out their nests. The goal: to discover how the species adapted to the kind of heat that can melt shoes.

      Back in Belgium, the scientists looked at the ants under an electron microscope and found that their dense, triangular hair reflects light like a prism, giving them a metallic glint and shielding them from the sun’s heat. When Ph.D. student Quentin Willot shaved an ant with a tiny scalpel and put it under a heat lamp, its temperature jumped. He says the ants’ method of staying cool is unique among animals. Could this reflective type of hair protect people? Willot says companies are interested in reproducing it.

      A) adaptingE) extremeI) M) thick

      B) F) huntJ) removedN) tiny

      C) crawlingG) literallyK) speciesO) unique

      D) H)L)

      Section B

      Directions: In this section, you are going to read a passage with ten statements attached to it. Each statement contains information given in one of the paragraphs. Identify the paragraph from which the information is derived. You may choose a paragraph more than once. Each paragraph is marked with a letter. Answer the questions by marking the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2.

      What happens when a language has no words for numbers?

      Numbers do not exist in all cultures. There are numberless hunter-gatherers embedded deep in Amazonia, living along branches of the world’s largest river tree. Instead of using words for precise quantities, these people rely exclusively on terms analogous to “a few” or “some.”

      In contrast, our own lives are governed by numbers. As you read this, you are likely aware of what time it is, how old you are, your checking account balance, your weight and so on. The exact (and exacting) numbers we think with impact everything from our schedules to our self-esteem.

      But, in a historical sense, numerically fixated people like us are the unusual ones. For the bulk of our species’ approximately 200,000-year lifespan, we had no means of precisely representing quantities. What’s more, the 7,000 or so languages that exist today vary dramatically in how they utilize numbers.

      Speakers of anumeric, or numberless, languages offer a window into how the invention of numbers reshaped the human experience. In a new book, I explored the ways in which humans invented numbers, and how numbers subsequently played a critical role in other milestones, from the advent of agriculture to the genesis of writing.

      Cultures without numbers, or with only one or two precise numbers, include the Munduruku and Pirahã in Amazonia. Researchers have also studied some adults in Nicaragua who were never taught number words.

      Without numbers, healthy human adults struggle to precisely differentiate and recall quantities as low as four. In an experiment, a researcher will place nuts into a can one at a time, then remove them one by one. The person watching is asked to signal when all the nuts have been removed. Responses suggest that anumeric people have some trouble keeping track of how many nuts remain in the can, even if there are only four or five in total.

      This and many other experiments have converged upon a simple conclusion: When people do not have number words, they struggle to make quantitative distinctions that probably seem natural to someone like you or me. While only a small portion of the world’s languages are anumeric or nearly anumeric, they demonstrate that number words are not a human universal.

      It is worth stressing that these anumeric people are cognitively normal, well-adapted to the environs they have dominated for centuries. As the child of missionaries, I spent some of my youth living with anumeric indigenous people, the aforementioned Pirahã who live along the sinuous banks of the black Maici River. Like other outsiders, I was continually impressed by their superior understanding of the riverine ecology we shared.

      Yet numberless people struggle with tasks that require precise discrimination between quantities. Perhaps this should be unsurprising. After all, without counting, how can someone tell whether there are, say, seven or eight coconuts in a tree? Such seemingly straightforward distinctions become blurry through numberless eyes.

      This conclusion is echoed by work with anumeric children in industrialized societies.

      Prior to being spoon-fed number words, children can only approximately discriminate quantities beyond three. We must be handed the cognitive tools of numbers before we can consistently and easily recognize higher quantities.

      In fact, acquiring the exact meaning of number words is a painstaking process that takes children years. Initially, kids learn numbers much like they learn letters. They recognize that numbers are organized sequentially, but have little awareness of what each individual number means. With time, they start to understand that a given number represents a quantity greater by one than the preceding number. This "successor principle" is part of the foundation of our numerical cognition, but requires extensive practice to understand.

      None of us, then, is really a “numbers person.” We are not predisposed to handle quantitative distinctions adroitly. In the absence of the cultural traditions that infuse our lives with numbers from infancy, we would all struggle with even basic quantitative distinctions.

      Number words and written numerals transform our quantitative reasoning as they are coaxed into our cognitive experience by our parents, peers and school teachers. The process seems so normal that we sometimes think of it as a natural part of growing up, but it is not. Human brains come equipped with certain quantitative instincts that are refined with age, but these instincts are very limited. For instance, even at birth we are capable of distinguishing between two markedly different quantities — for instance, eight from 16 things.

      But we are not the only species capable of such abstractions. Compared to chimps and other primates, our numerical instincts are not as remarkable as many presume. We even share some basic instinctual quantitative reasoning with distant nonmammalian relatives like birds. Indeed, work with some other species, including parrots, suggests they too can refine their quantitative thought if they are introduced to the cognitive power tools we call numbers.

      So, how did we ever invent "unnatural" numbers in the first place?

      The answer is, literally, at your fingertips. The bulk of the world’s languages use base-10, base-20 or base-5 number systems. That is, these smaller numbers are the basis of larger numbers. English is a base-10 or decimal language, as evidenced by words like 14 (“four” + “10”) and 31 (“three” x “10” + “one”).

      We speak a decimal language because an ancestral tongue, proto-Indo-European, was decimally based. Proto-Indo-European was decimally oriented because, as in so many cultures, our linguistic ancestors’ hands served as the gateway to realizations like “five fingers on this hand is the same as five fingers on that hand.” Such transient thoughts were manifested into words and passed down across generations. This is why the word “five” in many languages is derived from the word for “hand.”

      Most number systems, then, are the by-product of two key factors: the human capacity for language and our propensity for focusing on our hands and fingers. This manual fixation — an indirect by-product of walking upright on two legs — has helped yield numbers in most cultures, but not all.

      Cultures without numbers also offer insight into the cognitive influence of particular numeric traditions. Consider what time it is. Your day is ruled by minutes and seconds, but these entities are not real in any physical sense and are nonexistent to numberless people. Minutes and seconds are the verbal and written vestiges of an uncommon base-60 number system used in Mesopotamia millennia ago. They reside in our minds, numerical artifacts that not all humans inherit conceptually.

      Research on the language of numbers shows, more and more, that one of our species’ key characteristics is tremendous linguistic and cognitive diversity. While there are undoubtedly cognitive commonalities across all human populations, our radically varied cultures foster profoundly different cognitive experiences. If we are to truly understand how much our cognitive lives differ cross-culturally, we must continually sound the depths of our species’ linguistic diversity.

      36. [E] It is worth stressing that these anumeric people are cognitively (在认知方面)normal, well-adapted to the surroundings they have dominated for centuries.

      37. [H] Compared with other mammals, our numerical instincts are not as remarkable as many assume.

      38. [E] It is worth stressing that these anumeric people are cognitively(在认知方面)normal, well-adapted to the surroundings they have dominated for centuries.

      39. [B] But, in a historical sense, number-conscious people like us are the unusual ones.

      40. [K] Research on the language of numbers shows, more and more, that one of our species’ key characteristics is tremendous linguistic(语言的) and cognitive diversity.

      41. [D] This and many other experiments have led to a simple conclusion: When people do not have number words, they struggle to make quantitative distinctions that probably seem natural to someone like you or me.

      42. [G] None of us, then, is really a “numbers person.” We are not born to handle quantitative distinctions skillfully.

      43. [A] Numbers do not exist in all cultures.

      44. [I] So, how did we ever invent “unnatural” numbers in the first place? The answer is, literally, at your fingertips.

      45. [F] This conclusion is echoed by work with anumeric children in industrialized societies.

      Section C

      Directions: There are 2 passages in this section. Each passage is followed by some questions or unfinished statements. For each of them there are four choices marked A), B), C) and D). You should decide on the best choice and mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre.

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